As in most countries around the world, LGBTQIA+ people in Francophone Africa continue to resist historic institutional and social oppression. Laws in the region vary from explicit criminalisation to implicit criminalisation, a legal vacuum, or, more rarely, legal protection, as is the case in Cape Verde. However, even in countries where homosexuality is not criminalised, social intolerance remains omnipresent, and LGBTQIA+ people live under the constant threat of violence, family rejection and exclusion. Despite these obstacles, LGBTQIA+ movements are organising and proudly asserting their right to dignity, building solidarity networks, extending their actions beyond the big cities, and advocating for significant social and legal change.
In 2024, some countries made advances in LGBTQIA+ rights; many others are stepping up their repressive actions while others are leading with legal restrictions and criminalisation. Taking stock of the situation in French-speaking Africa, the majority of countries criminalise same-sex relationships and do not recognise LGBTQIA+ persons. Nine of these countries, including Cameroon, Senegal, Guinea and Chad, impose prison sentences for homosexual relations, often ranging from six months to five years.
In 2024, Mali adopted a penal code that explicitly criminalises homosexuality, transidentity and transsexuality. Until October 2024, the lives of LGBTIQ+ people were not as politicised, but the enactment of the 2024 penal code sounded the death knell: homosexuality is now explicitly prohibited.
In the DRC, homosexual relations are not explicitly criminalised, but laws on “good morality” can be applied to homosexual relations. Article 176 of the current Penal Code states that any act or offence that ‘publicly’ outrages morals may be punished by a sentence of between eight days and three years imprisonment.
In Côte d’Ivoire, although homosexuality is not specifically criminalised, attempts have been made to introduce discriminatory legislation. These initiatives were aimed at further restricting the rights of LGBTQIA+ people on the pretext of protecting supposed cultural and moral values. Furthermore, although Ivorian laws do not explicitly prohibit same-sex relations, the community continues to face arbitrary arrests, violence and social exclusion.
Similar measures to those taken in Mali have been taken in Burkina Faso, where the head of the military leader Ibrahim Traoré has banned ‘acts of homosexuality,’ becoming the latest African state to repress same-sex relations.
In Burundi, same-sex relations are explicitly criminalised. Article 590 of the 2009 revision of the Burundian Penal Code stipulates that same-sex relations are punishable by a prison sentence of between one and three years. Although this legislation has been applied occasionally, arrests remain relatively rare. This law has a direct impact on the work of organisations working on the rights of LGBTQIA+ people.
While in Benin, there is no specific legislation prohibiting homosexuality or penalising same-sex relationships or laws that outrightly prohibit gender expression; there are limited measures to promote the inclusion, protection or recognition of the rights of LGBTQIA+ people. Conservative social norms and religious influence create a hostile climate towards LGBTQIA+ people, leading to discrimination and harassment. Even with these levels of suppression, LGBTQIA+ persons have continued to resist violence and discrimination in Benin.
To exist is to resist
At the ILGA World Conference in Cape Town, I spoke with several activists who discussed their countries’ realities. C.M., a queer activist working from Burundi, explained that it was not easy to do one’s job properly between restrictive legal norms and stigmatising and burdensome socio-cultural norms.
“We live in a society where everything is talked about silently, and the only public discussions that take place are more focused on discrimination, on penalisation, saying that homosexuality, being a member of the LGBTQIA+ community should be a sin and that all people should be ‘stoned’ to death because it’s an evil, abominable act,“ says C.M.
J-C M. explains that “the law limits their ability to reach all the people they should be supporting.” This restriction creates obstacles not only for the community but also for the visibility and transparency of these organisations’ actions.
G.A., a lesbian activist from Benin, explains that the absence of criminalisation does not necessarily mean liberation. “The law in Benin is silent, and it’s this silence that really prevents us from working,“ she says.“We can’t work with the freedom we want. Social norms create a climate of fear. The social context constantly reminds the State that these people don’t have the right to be who they are, and pushes the community towards radical decisions.”
Burkina Faso may have made international headlines for its current military attempts to resist French neo-colonialism, but the situation of LGBTQIA+ citizens remains a cause for concern. In these times of heightened nationalism, the lives of LGBTQ+ people are often made even more marginal as they are scapegoated as foreign despite historical records.
S.O., an activist from Burkina Faso, describes alarming realities enabled by technology and social media platforms. “Recently, waves of anti-gender movements have emerged. On TikTok, influencers incite violence and disseminate images of people ‘suspected of being LGBTQI’.“ they say. “A law proposed by the military regime threatens to condemn LGBTQI+ people. Although it has not yet been passed, many people already see it as effective, legitimising their acts of violence. For them, we are subhuman. If this law is passed, what will become of us?”
October 2024 saw the birth of the ’Poignardez les pédés’ campaign, launched by a Cameroonian artist who actively promotes hatred in one of his songs popularised on the Tiktok, as well as the ‘Tuez les woubis’ campaign in Côte d’Ivoire.
These homophobic campaigns are orchestrated by influential figures such as artists, fundamentalist religious leaders and conservative politicians, who exploit digital platforms such as TikTok, WhatsApp and Facebook to spread hate messages.
TikTok is particularly used for its rapid virality through short videos and Challenges, while WhatsApp allows discrete dissemination in private circles. What’s more, they are part of a deliberate process of stigmatisation, often supported by state institutions or political discourse legitimising intolerance. Relayed by conservative media and influencers seeking visibility, they target emotions to maximise their impact while being opposed by feminist and LGBTQIA+ organisations trying to provide a counter-narrative in a hostile context.
“In Côte d’Ivoire, the campaign against LGBTQ+ people came out of the blue,” says Nicki, an activist. “A religious group was organising conferences on life and family. A few weeks later, the situation degenerated. Some people were lynched. We mobilised our partners to relocate some of the victims.“
Nicki refers to the June 2024 sixth annual Strengthening Families conference that The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Abidjan organised. This conference is a well-known platform for sexist movements that continue to use false arguments based on ‘African values’ to try to erode the gained rights of women and gender minorities.
Hope in solidarity
Despite growing hostility, the queer and human rights movements are resisting and forging unparalleled determination. Organisations and collectives continue to raise awareness and provide support while creating safe spaces and being defiant. Many organisations have faced registration roadblocks that have affected their ability to reach more people. Many continue to work on decriminalisation and the recognition of gender identities. Others are rallying for transnational organising opportunities and engaging international solidarity spaces like the UN monitoring mechanisms such as the Universal Periodic Review (UPR).
In the case of Benin, a coalition of organisations submitted an alternative report to the UPR in January 2023. Out of 258 recommendations, 16 dealt with queer rights issues. The Beninese government accepted 9 of them. “What motivates me is the community itself. Seeing people in need, young people who don’t have access to vital information, drives me to fight“, says G.A., a queer activist from Benin.
Regional coalitions such as PI7, Fierté Afrique Francophone, and Coalition Plus bring together LGBTQIA+ organisations to raise the voices of marginalised populations in the face of heightened pushback. Navigating funding in the context of economic crises at home and globally is a constant struggle for queer organisers. While the very anti-rights groups are emboldened and funded internationally, queer movements are often scapegoated as ‘imported’ and alien to local cultures. Adopting a decolonial approach has become essential for activists The LGBTQIA+ movement now refuses to ‘beg’ for rights, and proudly asserts its legitimacy through its roots in local histories and identities.
For C.M. from Burundi, the progress made represents a victory that heralds better days ahead. “LGBT people are no longer afraid of being able to meet and associate. This part where they can be together and talk about what they are going through so that they are not afraid, I would say that this is the greatest achievement,“ he asserts.
History teaches us that major human rights advances have always resulted from concerted action and solidarity. Little by little, the stones are being laid, and the edifice is standing despite the obstacles. For J.C., the ultimate goal remains “to build African societies free of all forms of discrimination.“
Feature Photo by Alexander Grey from Pexels
By Sarah, a Beninese radical, decolonial feminist, and human rights lawyer. She is a passionate campaigner for social justice, which she considers to be at the heart of her commitment. As the Programme Director of a feminist NGO, Sarah promotes women’s rights, particularly sexual and reproductive health, combats gender-based violence, and empowers girls and women.
Edited by Tabara Korka Ndiaye, a Senegalese researcher, writer and curator. She is a MPhil/PhD candidate at the Makerere Institute of Social Research (MISR) in Interdisciplinary Social Studies. Tabara is particularly interested in how the future can be shaped with personal stories. Her practice hinges on studies of African feminisms and the relationship between archives and erasure of women in Senegaleses history. She is based between Kampala and Dakar.
This piece is part of our African Feminist Takes from the 31st ILGA World Conference. Between 11 to 15 November 2024, the ILGA World Conference was hosted in Africa for the first time in 25 years in Cape Town, South Africa. The ILGA World Conference is the largest global gathering of LGBTIQA+ changemakers bringing together LGBTQIA+ human rights defenders and development experts, policy makers, international human rights mechanisms experts, researchers, journalists, funders, and allies worldwide.
The conference convened under the theme Kwa umoja we rise!, a mix of Swahili and English – “Kwa umoja” meaning “Together” or “In unity’’, came at a time when many African feminist and queer movements are dealing with ongoing anti-rights pushback. African LGBTQIA+ movements are actively advocating for social justice alongside other groups, yet they face specific, ongoing violence and discrimination, and they risk losing hard-won rights. More than most, they face an environment of scapegoating, making human rights efforts increasingly challenging. Despite these setbacks, there’s been some progress in some countries in recent years, underscoring the critical need for solidarity and collaboration across movements. In the face of violent opposition, building bridges and inclusive movements in the pursuit of justice and a better future for all is essential.
African Feminism – AF, with the support of the African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF), collaborated with African feminists to share their perspectives from the conference, stand in solidarity with and support queer liberation movements on the African continent. This collaboration is centered on amplifying voices and narratives through an intersectional lens, highlighting emerging issues and lived experiences, while enhancing resistance and feminist consciousness.
The African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) stands at the heart of Africa’s feminist movement as a transformative feminist fund dedicated to resourcing, nurturing, and strengthening women’s rights initiatives and feminist movements across the continent. As an active partner and fierce champion for gender justice, AWDF supports organisations to build sustainable foundations while creating lasting, systemic change across Africa.